Makkah Defence Alliance to Meet in Islamabad in Late November as Regional Tensions Rise

November 11, 2026 Faizan Altaf

Pakistan is expected to host the third meeting of the Makkah Defence Alliance in the last week of November, bringing together the foreign ministers, defence ministers and military chiefs of Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Turkiye to turn a landmark defence pact into practical military cooperation.

The meeting comes at a tense moment. The possibility of renewed military strikes against Iran is still hanging over the Middle East, even as diplomats work to find a way out of the conflict. It will also be the first gathering of the alliance’s top committee since Turkiye’s parliament formally approved the pact on 7 November, completing the last step needed to bring the arrangement fully into effect.

What is happening in Islamabad?

Pakistan is expected to host the third meeting of the Strategic Political and Defence Committee of the Makkah Defence Alliance in the last week of November, diplomatic sources told The Express Tribune on Monday, 10 November.

The meeting is expected to bring together the foreign and defence ministers as well as the military chiefs of all three countries: Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Turkiye.

Discussions are likely to focus on two things. The first is the implementation of the trilateral defence agreement — in other words, how the promises made in the pact become real military cooperation. The second is the fast-changing security situation in the region.

The timing is no accident. The meeting comes as the possibility of renewed military strikes against Iran remains on the table, even while diplomatic efforts to prevent another escalation continue. The three countries are expected to discuss what these developments mean for regional stability and for their own collective security arrangements.

The Islamabad meeting will also take stock of decisions made at the alliance’s earlier meetings, and consider further steps to strengthen military coordination, intelligence-sharing and defence cooperation.

What is the Makkah Defence Alliance?

The Makkah Defence Alliance is built around the Makkah Joint Defence Agreement, a defence pact signed by Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Turkiye on 7 August 2026.

The agreement was signed in Makkah by Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. It says that an armed attack against any one of the three countries would be regarded as an attack against all three, with the nature and extent of assistance to be decided collectively.

All three governments have insisted from the start that the arrangement is defensive. They say it is not directed against any particular country and is meant to strengthen regional stability.

That message was repeated this week by Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar. Speaking at the Margalla Dialogue 2026 in Islamabad on Tuesday, 10 November, Dar described the agreement as a defensive arrangement “directed against no country” and “intended to contribute to regional peace and stability”.

The alliance brings together three very different powers: Pakistan, the only nuclear-armed Muslim-majority country; Saudi Arabia, a major Gulf power; and Turkiye, a NATO member with one of the region’s largest militaries.

How the alliance has taken shape

The pact has moved quickly from signing to structure in just over three months. Here is how it has unfolded.

7 August 2026: the signing. The three leaders sign the Makkah Joint Defence Agreement in Makkah, promising collective assistance if any one of them is attacked.

31 August 2026: the first committee meeting in Istanbul. The foreign ministers, defence ministers and military chiefs meet for the first time. They agree to set up a permanent secretariat in Riyadh, initially headed by a Pakistani secretary general for three years, and to deepen cooperation in the defence industry, joint technology development and coordination between the three armed forces.

5 October 2026: an emergency meeting in Riyadh. The committee meets after security threats to Saudi Arabia escalate, including attacks attributed to Yemen’s Houthi movement. It condemns attacks on Saudi cities and infrastructure, including threats to Makkah and Madinah, and agrees to move towards practical implementation of collective defence — including agreed forces and capabilities that can be deployed rapidly in Saudi Arabia, subject to each country’s laws. The meeting also appoints retired Lieutenant General Nauman Mahmood as the alliance’s first secretary general for a three-year term.

7 November 2026: Turkiye ratifies the pact. The Turkish parliament approves the agreement by 279 votes to 119. Pakistan and Saudi Arabia had already completed their own ratification processes, so Turkiye’s vote completed the last major step towards bringing the arrangement into effect. Ratification does not, however, automatically authorise the deployment of Turkish troops abroad — that would need a separate parliamentary mandate.

Late November 2026: the Islamabad meeting. The third meeting of the committee, and the first since Turkiye’s ratification, is expected to take place in Islamabad.

What will be on the table in Islamabad?

The Islamabad meeting is expected to focus on turning the alliance’s political commitments into working arrangements. The committee will take stock of what was agreed in Istanbul and Riyadh — the secretariat, the secretary general, and plans for joint defence production and faster deployment of forces — and discuss further steps to strengthen coordination and intelligence-sharing between the three armed forces.

Above all, they will discuss the regional security situation. The possibility of renewed strikes against Iran is still looming, and diplomatic efforts to find a way out of the conflict are continuing. The three countries will need to discuss what a new escalation would mean for their own security — and for the alliance itself.

A shield, not a sword

One of the most important questions about the alliance is what it will actually do in a crisis. The first real test has already given an answer: when Houthi attacks on Saudi Arabia escalated in recent weeks, neither Ankara nor Islamabad showed any intention of fighting Riyadh’s war. The distinction that matters is between defence and combat.

Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan told reporters in Ankara on 8 October that the agreement is “defensive, not offensive”, and that Turkiye “will not send forces to the territory of another state to launch an attack from there”. Defence Minister Yasar Guler was blunter still: “We absolutely do not foresee entering into any conflict with the Houthis,” he said in a television interview.

Pakistan’s position is similar, though its forces are already on the ground. Islamabad has deployed roughly 8,000 troops to Saudi Arabia, including a squadron of JF-17 fighter jets and a Chinese HQ-9 air-defence system, according to reports. But these forces are officially described as serving an advisory and training role. Pakistan has drawn a firm line at putting boots on the ground for offensive operations.

In short, the alliance is a shield, not a sword. Its members will guard Saudi air bases and infrastructure. They will not carry the war into Yemen.

Why Pakistan is walking a careful line

Pakistan’s caution is not a lack of will. It is a matter of geography, politics and history.

The border with Iran. Pakistan shares a porous border of about 900 kilometres with Iran. In early 2024, cross-border missile strikes between the two countries showed just how fragile that frontier can be. If Pakistan joined offensive operations against Tehran’s allies, Iran could respond by stirring trouble in Balochistan.

The sectarian balance at home. Pakistan has the world’s second-largest Shia population, roughly 10 to 15 per cent of the country. Openly entering a Middle Eastern sectarian war on behalf of Riyadh risks triggering violent unrest at home. Pakistan’s parliament unanimously rejected joining the Saudi-led intervention in Yemen in 2015 for precisely this reason.

The diplomatic tightrope. Pakistan helped facilitate talks between the United States and Iran in Islamabad in April 2026, which led to the Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding in June, and joined China in a five-point peace initiative in Beijing in March. Joining an offensive war would undo much of that work.

The money behind the pact

The defensive character of the alliance is also shaped by economics. For both Pakistan and Turkiye, the pact is as much an instrument of economic security as of military security.

Pakistan’s stake. The Kingdom holds roughly $8 billion in deposits at the State Bank of Pakistan, and in 2026 it moved its $5 billion facility onto a three-year horizon running to December 2028 — a sign of long-term confidence in Pakistan’s stabilisation programme. Pakistan is implementing a $7 billion programme with the International Monetary Fund and steadily rebuilding its reserves.

The human link is just as important. Pakistani workers sent home a record $41.6 billion in the 2026 fiscal year, according to local media reports, and Saudi Arabia was the single largest source at $9.78 billion — close to a quarter of the total. The safety of those workers is a national priority for Islamabad.

Energy is another factor. After the Strait of Hormuz effectively closed in early 2026, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif said Pakistan’s weekly oil import bill had risen from $300 million to $800 million. Defending the Red Sea route, through which most Saudi crude now travels, serves Pakistan’s direct interest.

Turkiye’s stake. Ankara’s interests are anchored in industry and energy. Turkish defence exports rose from $7.15 billion in 2024 to around $10 billion in 2025, and reached $11.2 billion over the 12 months to mid-2026, according to reports. Saudi Arabia is a key partner in that growth, with talks on the KAAN fighter programme and on assembling Gokbey helicopters inside the Kingdom.

Turkiye also depends on Iranian natural gas. According to reports, Iran supplied roughly 13 per cent of Turkiye’s natural gas imports in 2025, about 7.7 billion cubic metres. Attacking Tehran’s allies would put that energy supply at risk, and Turkiye also needs to coordinate with Iran in northern Iraq and Syria to contain Kurdish militant groups. With inflation at 29.7 per cent in October 2026, Turkiye can hardly afford a regional war either.

Why this meeting matters

The Islamabad meeting matters for three reasons.

First, it is the first meeting of the alliance’s top committee since all three countries completed ratification. That makes it the moment the pact stops being a political declaration and starts becoming a working military arrangement. What the ministers and military chiefs agree in Islamabad will shape how the alliance actually operates.

Second, it takes place at a moment of real danger. Houthi attacks have already reached Riyadh, damaging the Aramco Tower in the capital’s financial district, and the possibility of renewed strikes on Iran remains open. The alliance was created for moments like this.

Third, it tests Pakistan’s balancing act. Islamabad must show Riyadh and Ankara that it is a serious partner in collective defence, while keeping its channels open to Tehran and avoiding a war it cannot afford.

What happens next

The meeting is expected in the last week of November, though no exact date has been announced. Watch for three things.

The date and the guest list. Confirmation of the exact dates, and whether the ministers and military chiefs of all three countries attend in person, will show how seriously each capital takes the meeting.

What is agreed on implementation. The key question is whether the committee moves from general promises to concrete steps — joint exercises, shared air-defence arrangements, defence production deals or a timetable for deploying agreed forces.

The message on Iran. Any statement about the regional situation will be read closely in Tehran, Washington and across the Gulf. A careful, defensive message would confirm the alliance’s character. Anything sharper would raise the temperature.

Frequently Asked Questions

What is the Makkah Defence Alliance?

It is a defence alliance between Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Turkiye, built around the Makkah Joint Defence Agreement signed on 7 August 2026. An attack on any one member is treated as an attack on all three.

When is the next meeting, and where?

The third meeting of the alliance’s Strategic Political and Defence Committee is expected to be held in Islamabad in the last week of November 2026. The foreign and defence ministers and the military chiefs of the three countries are expected to attend.

Why is this meeting important?

It is the first meeting of the committee since Turkiye’s parliament ratified the agreement on 7 November 2026, completing ratification by all three countries. It is the first chance to turn the pact into practical military cooperation.

Is the alliance aimed at Iran?

All three countries say no. They describe the pact as a defensive arrangement that is not directed against any country. Pakistan’s foreign minister, Ishaq Dar, repeated that position on 10 November 2026 at the Margalla Dialogue in Islamabad.

Will Pakistan or Turkiye fight for Saudi Arabia?

Both countries have drawn a line at offensive combat. Turkiye says its contribution is technology, air defence, drones and intelligence-sharing. Pakistan has about 8,000 troops in Saudi Arabia in advisory and training roles, but has ruled out offensive operations. (Troop figure as reported by IANS.)

Who leads the alliance’s secretariat?

The alliance’s permanent secretariat is based in Riyadh. Retired Lieutenant General Nauman Mahmood of Pakistan was appointed as its first secretary general for a three-year term at the Riyadh meeting on 5 October 2026.

Conclusion

The Makkah Defence Alliance has moved fast. In just over three months it has gone from a signing ceremony in Makkah to a permanent secretariat, a secretary general, an emergency meeting in Riyadh and full ratification.

The Islamabad meeting in late November is the next step — and the most important one so far. It will decide how the alliance works in practice: what forces are committed, how intelligence is shared, and how the three countries respond together to a region that remains on edge.

But the meeting will also confirm what the alliance is not. Neither Pakistan nor Turkiye intends to fight an offensive war for Riyadh. Their troops, technology and money are committed to defence — guarding bases, protecting infrastructure and deterring attack. That restraint is a deliberate choice, shaped by geography and economics.

For Pakistan, hosting the meeting is both an honour and a test. Islamabad must prove it is a reliable ally to Saudi Arabia and Turkiye, while keeping the door open to Tehran and protecting its own fragile recovery.

Sources

This article is for general information and education only. It is not legal or financial advice.

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